BAKU, Azerbaijan, November 3. The International Conference and Exhibition on the Development of Construction, Industrial, Chemical and Energy Sectors of Turkmenistan (CIET 2026) will be held in Ashgabat on November 3-5. It will bring together more than 800 delegates from over 55 countries, including representatives of government agencies, international investors, financial institutions, industrial enterprises and technology companies. The program includes bilateral B2B and B2G meetings, providing foreign companies with an opportunity to engage directly with Turkmen government agencies and enterprises, assess the country's investment potential and explore prospects for commercial cooperation.
Against this backdrop, Ashgabat is welcoming representatives of two countries whose relations are at the center of the international agenda - Iran and the United States. On November 2, Iranian Foreign Minister Seyyed Abbas Araghchi arrived in the Turkmen capital at the head of a delegation comprising diplomatic, economic and parliamentary representatives. A visit to Ashgabat by S. Paul Kapur, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, is scheduled for the same period. According to the U.S. side, he will visit Ashgabat and London from November 2 to 9. In Turkmenistan, he is expected to meet with business representatives to discuss opportunities for expanding U.S. investment and commercial activity. A practical component of this engagement will be the U.S.-Turkmenistan Business Council's business mission, scheduled for November 4-5 and organized in coordination with the U.S. Department of State alongside the annual bilateral consultations. Thus, both visits coincide with CIET, which provides foreign companies with a platform to hold discussions with Turkmen government agencies and potential business partners.
The economic dimension of the Iranian visit is reflected not only in the stated agenda of Araghchi's talks. On October 28, Ahmet Gurbanov, Deputy Foreign Minister of Turkmenistan, met in Ashgabat with Hamid Ghanbari, Iran's Deputy Foreign Minister for Economic Diplomacy. The sides discussed the development of trade and economic ties, as well as cooperation in energy and industry. During the meeting between the two foreign ministers on November 2, they also addressed bilateral cooperation alongside regional and international issues. For Tehran, Turkmenistan is important as a neighboring market and a partner in energy and cross-border logistics, as well as a participant in transport routes linking Central Asia with Iran and, further, the Persian Gulf.
U.S. engagement with Turkmenistan has also become more systematic. In May, the Turkmen-American Business Cooperation Association (TABCA) was established in Washington D.C., and its first business forum brought together more than 50 companies from the two countries representing logistics, e-commerce, information technology, education, consulting and services. That same month, an event dedicated to Turkmenistan's economic development and prospects for expanding trade and investment cooperation with the United States was held at the headquarters of the International Monetary Fund. It brought together more than 80 participants, including the ambassadors of both countries, representatives of the U.S. Department of State and Department of Commerce, the World Bank, the IMF, business associations and the private sector. Another notable political signal was the meeting held at the White House on May 29 between U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Turkmen Foreign Minister Rashid Meredov. The sides discussed trade and economic cooperation, energy, transport connectivity and the diversification of routes for Turkmen gas exports.
Washington's interest is not limited to its bilateral relations with Ashgabat. Through the C5+1 format, the United States is developing cooperation with all five Central Asian countries, addressing regional issues related to energy, transport infrastructure, critical minerals, digital technologies and investment attraction. These areas were included in the agenda of business sessions held during the meeting of Central Asian foreign ministers with the U.S. Secretary of State in Samarkand on October 19. In this context, Turkmenistan is important to the United States as a potential participant in broader regional projects, particularly in energy, transport connectivity and the diversification of trade routes.
The coincidence of the Iranian and U.S. visits with CIET 2026 takes on an additional diplomatic dimension amid the ongoing confrontation between Washington and Tehran and efforts to find ways to resolve it. Public statements by the leaders of both countries in recent days indicate that the diplomatic track remains open, despite harsh rhetoric and the continuing risk of further escalation. Asked by reporters about the progress of negotiations with Iran on October 31, U.S. President Donald Trump said: “They're going fine.” He added, however, that Iran “makes a deal and then backs out,” before concluding: “They wanna make a deal. We'll see if they make a deal.” U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio also confirmed that contacts were continuing, stating: “There are multiple talks; talks have actually never stopped. There's been active conversations going, both - in some cases directly but often through intermediaries. And the President's preference in any challenge around the world is to try to solve it diplomatically and peacefully, if possible.” Thus, Washington has publicly confirmed that negotiations are continuing, including through intermediaries, and expressed a preference for a diplomatic settlement, although this does not eliminate the differences between the two sides.
On the Iranian side, President Masoud Pezeshkian said on November 2, during a meeting with governors and mayors of major cities: “We are trying to resolve the issue through dialogue; in this matter, the Supreme Leader has also granted the government certain authorities.” Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, commenting on diplomatic efforts during his visit to Ashgabat, reported that intensive contacts were continuing through Qatari and Pakistani intermediaries. “We have stated our specific conditions and presented our prepared plan. Now everything depends on how much political rationality prevails on the American side and whether there is a willingness to choose the reasonable path of diplomacy,” the minister said. Thus, both sides have publicly confirmed that the possibility of a diplomatic settlement remains open, although their positions on the conditions and sequence of further steps remain substantially different.
Against this backdrop, Ashgabat finds itself at the center of coinciding diplomatic activity involving two countries whose relations remain highly strained. Turkmenistan's status of permanent neutrality, its geographical location and its accumulated experience in multilateral diplomatic formats allow the country to be viewed as a potentially important venue for regional diplomatic engagement. This role received additional political and legal recognition in the Ashgabat Declaration, adopted on December 12, 2025, at an international forum marking the 30th anniversary of Turkmenistan's permanent neutrality. In paragraph 11, the participants encouraged the effective use of the territories of neutral states for peace negotiations and conflict resolution, and also noted Turkmenistan's proposal to establish a Chamber of Mediation for Peace on its territory under the auspices of the United Nations. A similar approach is reflected in the third operative paragraph of UN General Assembly Resolution 79/274 of March 21, 2025. At the same time, the UN document stipulates that the proposal to establish such a Chamber remains subject to consideration by UN member states and the Organization's system. This provides an international normative basis for Ashgabat's potential role in mediation. Whether the coincidence of the visits could lead to any practical diplomatic developments remains an open question.
The significance of a possible diplomatic settlement extends far beyond U.S.-Iranian relations. One of the main factors behind the conflict's global impact is the situation around the Strait of Hormuz, a key route for oil and liquefied natural gas supplies. According to the International Energy Agency, an average of around 20 million barrels of oil and oil products passed through the strait daily in 2025, accounting for approximately one-quarter of global seaborne oil trade. The strait also carries around 19% of global LNG supplies. The consequences of disruptions are already being felt in global energy markets. On November 2, Sultan Ahmed Al Jaber, CEO of the Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ADNOC), said that global oil inventories had fallen by nearly one billion barrels since the beginning of the crisis, while transportation and logistics costs had risen from 5% to 30% of the cost of a barrel. Further escalation could therefore increase pressure not only on energy markets but also on international trade, supply chains and inflation, he noted.
Efforts to find diplomatic mechanisms for resolving the crisis are not limited to Qatar and Pakistan, through which contacts between Washington and Tehran are currently being maintained. Oman, which previously hosted direct U.S.-Iranian negotiations, remains interested in playing a mediating role. At the same time, China's diplomatic engagement has intensified. On November 2, Chinese President Xi Jinping discussed the situation with Oman's Sultan Haitham bin Tariq, while Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi held separate meetings with representatives of Iran and Saudi Arabia, urging the parties to seek a political solution. Beijing also announced an upcoming visit by its special envoy to Iran, Oman and Saudi Arabia. The expansion of diplomatic channels shows that resolving the crisis is viewed as a task affecting the interests of a broad range of countries. In this context, Turkmenistan's neutral status and its readiness to provide a venue for possible peace talks could represent an additional diplomatic resource.
Thus, the assumption that the coincidence of the U.S. and Iranian delegations' visits to Ashgabat could have an additional diplomatic dimension is based on a combination of circumstances: ongoing contacts between Washington and Tehran through intermediaries, intensified international efforts to find a way out of the crisis, and Turkmenistan's role as a neutral state willing to facilitate peaceful dialogue, as recognized in international documents. This would not necessarily require a direct meeting between representatives of the two countries in the Turkmen capital. Potential contacts could take place through the Turkmen side or other intermediaries, even if the U.S. and Iranian delegations are not in Ashgabat at the same time. Of course, there is currently no confirmation of any such contacts, and the coincidence of the visits alone does not prove that an arrangement of this kind exists. Nevertheless, a legitimate question arises: could Ashgabat, which is welcoming representatives of both countries amid ongoing diplomatic efforts, become another channel for seeking ways to de-escalate the U.S.-Iran confrontation?
