On 23 April 2026, Türkiye and the United Kingdom (UK) signed a new strategic partnership framework. This marked an important milestone in an already advanced and mutually beneficial relationship, which continues to thrive both on the bilateral track and within various institutional frameworks which both states are part of. The new framework, which highlights the start of a “new era” in the relationship, is designed to boost existing channels of cooperation but, crucially, strengthen dialogue and understanding in the context of the rapidly polarizing international environment.
A rapidly developing relationship
Both countries are important NATO members – Türkiye’s military is the second largest in the alliance and one of the most technologically proficient, whereas the UK, despite not necessarily possessing the same military capabilities as before, contributes with nuclear deterrence and still serves as a world-leading intelligence hub. On the bilateral level, military cooperation has continued to develop from strength to strength. It is already a considerably institutionalized relationship, with the Türkiye-UK Defence Industry Council adopting a specification in May 2025 which expanded cooperation initiatives in the defence industry sector. In October 2025, the sides signed a deal for Türkiye to acquire 20 Eurofighter Typhoon jets from the UK, with the deal worth around $11 billion. The value and scope of the deal is significant and was described by President Erdoğan as a symbolic demonstration of the growing strategic significance of the ties between the countries. In fact, it is the largest export deal of this aircraft to date and is expected to serve as the backbone of inter-state cooperation in this sphere.
This momentum in the defence sector has continued to grow. In March 2026, the sides signed another important deal, this time related to ‘training and support’. This represents a continuation of the Eurofighter Typhoon deal reached in October 2025, with the multi-billion-pound agreement now envisioning the training of Turkish Air Force pilots by UK experts to fly and operate the jets, expected to be delivered to Türkiye by 2030. Moreover, major firms in the UK defence sector, including BAE Systems, will be more closely supporting Türkiye in the production of aircraft components and spares. In total, the deal envisions the creation of 20,000 jobs in Britain in support of the agreements. Moreover, the deal has been viewed as an important boost for the British defence industry, with the UK government actively working on correcting the shortcomings revealed by the Strategic Defence Review released in June 2025. Such deals, therefore, have the necessary potential to revive confidence in the British defence sector. The UK has a large industrial share in the production of the aircraft, with 37% of each aircraft being manufactured in the country.
The growing strategic proximity of the two countries is reflected in several other developments and indicators. For example, a key component of the relationship has been a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in place between the sides, signed in December 2020. The agreement has resulted in comprehensive and steadily growing trade between the nations, valued at £28.3 billion in the 12-month period between September 2024 and September 2025 and representing a 5.8% increase from the previous 12-month period. However, both countries share the belief that, although substantial, this volume is still far from the full potential. For this reason, in January 2026, the Türkiye-UK Joint Economic and Trade Committee announced a 16-point plan with the aim of elevating the value of bilateral trade to £40 billion. The sides have also been engaged, for several years now, in conversations to upgrade the FTA and considerably expand its scope. Currently, it covers mostly industrial goods and excludes important segments of both economies. In this light, the fourth round of talks to modernize the agreement was held in March 2026, with the sides negotiating on multiple areas such as Digital Trade, Communications, easing restrictions on the movement of businesspeople and more. There is hope that a renewed agreement will bring the two economies and their people closer, especially with the business communities already in close collaboration. Untapped potential remains, which is why there is hope that a new FTA will slightly balance the trading relationship (Türkiye exports considerably more to the UK than the other way around) and pave the way for even more foreign direct investment between the two countries.
Geopolitical significance
As demonstrated, the ties between the countries are multi-dimensional, with both the government and the societal level in close collaboration through a range of mechanisms. This status quo has been in place for some time, with both sides deriving numerous benefits from the relationship. However, over time, the relationship has gained considerable geopolitical weight, not least because of the broader developments occurring in the system of international relations. Against this backdrop, the ties between Ankara and London are gaining strategic indispensability. Although multilateral platforms remain important forums for states to convene and discuss pressing matters, their actual weight in key decision-making processes is weaker than ever before. Instead, it is bilateral relationships (and also minilateral formats) that are serving as the more potent centres of influence. Only recently, Türkiye’s Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan put forward the idea that powers which are not yet in the ‘great power’ category must come together and establish their own ‘centre of gravity’. This would enable these states to protect their interests from great power competition and make their own decisions in line with their own realities. Developments in the relationship between the UK and Türkiye, two states with a wealth of resources and both of which qualify as middle powers, are a leading demonstration of this trend. Inter-state relations, particularly between actors which are recognized as both influential and trustworthy, are becoming an increasingly fundamental aspect of international relations.
Three avenues for cooperation
There are three important avenues which currently serve as incentives for the two countries to bolster their relationship even further. First, since the return of Donald Trump to the White House, the United States has made key changes to its foreign policy approach. This particularly concerns the assignment of less importance to strengthening transatlantic relations, of which NATO is a fundamental part. Having expressed its frustration with its European partners over the Iran war and general defence spending commitments, the exact future role of NATO in America’s foreign policy remains to be determined. Therefore, the organization requires new momentum. Here, the UK and Türkiye, as two influential members of the alliance, can provide vital, new impetus. Both sides openly recognize this as a strategic objective, with the newly announced partnership framework referring to NATO as a “historic basis” for deeper ties. The joint statement also mentions the existence of “common perspectives” on issues of mutual interest, which logically extends to security matters. In particular, the Middle East is mentioned, with the Türkiye-UK partnership possessing the necessary potential to both uphold the European security architecture and act as responsible players on the diplomatic stage, if necessary. This explains why both sides are so eager to deepen their ties, strengthen existing mechanisms and come up with new ones, all of which are key to addressing mutual issues. As Ankara prepares to host the NATO summit in July, deepening cooperation under the NATO framework presents an important opportunity to cement the relationship as an important centre of power for the coming years.
Another factor which continues to influence the relationship is the European Union. Although both countries are not EU members, they have demonstrated enthusiasm for closer ties and integration with EU structures. The UK government has urged a reformulation of the UK-EU relationship, proposing closer integration with the single market without pursuing re-entry. Türkiye, on the other hand, is in a customs union with the EU which is widely considered to be outdated. The issue in this case appears to be an absence of adequate recognition of Türkiye’s strategic importance by certain political circles in Brussels. As the EU steps up efforts to develop strategic autonomy, Türkiye represents an invaluable opportunity through which it can fill existing capability gaps and diversify its military partnerships, reducing overreliance on the US and transatlantic relations as a whole. However, despite these prospects, Türkiye and the UK still operate on the periphery of the European Union. This status can actually bring the sides even closer together. Recently, both countries saw the collapse of their talks to join the EU’s latest SAFE (Security Action for Europe) program, a financial instrument designed to boost the continent’s defence readiness through the provision of loans to member states. This was primarily due to member state objections, underlining that even if both remain EU partners, their defence sectors remain insufficiently integrated with EU structures. This has and will continue to open up new incentives for closer bilateral cooperation.
In addition to the NATO and EU avenues, Türkiye and the UK also share mutual partners in neighbouring regions. In the South Caucasus, for example, Azerbaijan has a military alliance with Türkiye and a developing strategic partnership with the UK, which spans several sectors. Moreover, as the regional security architecture evolves and Azerbaijan and Armenia edge closer to peace, fresh opportunities for Türkiye and the UK to make long-lasting contributions will only grow further. This is particularly applicable to the Middle Corridor, in which Azerbaijan is increasingly establishing itself as a regional transport and logistics hub. In recent months, the UK has expanded its interest in the Central Asian region, establishing a consultative track at the level of Foreign Ministers. Moreover, London has repeatedly stressed its desire to contribute to the Corridor, with UK firms possessing the necessary experience which, if applied to the opportunities on the ground, can seriously accelerate progress. With Türkiye playing a leading role in the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), jointly supporting evolving interregional connectivity projects is another way Türkiye and the UK can come together and advance mutual interests. Additionally, pursuing more structured cooperation with Azerbaijan in the military and security spheres is equally logical. Baku has an advanced military alliance with Türkiye and is rapidly developing engagement with the UK in the defence industry and broader military sectors. More pronounced cooperation between the three countries in these directions would be an important step in further solidifying regional security and minimizing the resurgence of new instability.
A moment of unique opportunity
The current moment is one of strategic reflection but also of opportunity for both Türkiye and the UK. The interests of the sides appear to be overlapping as much as ever before. In addition to the bilateral agenda, which is traditionally active, the sides, in their own ways, are experiencing a process of adaptation to changing geopolitical realities. In this complex and unpredictable process, where traditional alliances appear less resilient than before, the ability of states to work together with their partners and overcome mutual challenges will determine their place in the new international order. In this regard, the Ankara-London partnership has the necessary potential to act as a new source of influence in international relations, adding much-needed stability and predictability to an increasingly volatile international arena.
Author: Huseyn Sultanli, Advisor at the Center of Analysis of International Relations (AIR Center)
