On December 1st, at a banquet in London, Keir Starmer delivered his annual foreign policy speech. As ever, this further ignited already intense conversations on the UK’s role in the world and its approach to managing its relationship with several key allies.
Among these is the relationship with the European Union, which continues to dominate domestic political discourse. Although almost a decade has passed since the Brexit referendum and almost half a decade since the UK finalized its departure from the bloc, the advantages and disadvantages of this decision continue to be weighed up against each other frequently. This, interestingly, includes Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer, who in his speech in Guildford stated that the way in which the idea of leaving the European Union was presented to the public was wrong. Moreover, he reaffirmed that the consequences of this decision continue to be felt today, particularly in economic terms.
Debate over Brexit among the UK’s political class is frequent and, arguably, by now, inherent to the political sphere. However, conversations on Brexit are inevitably interlinked with the contemporary EU-UK relationship, its geopolitical significance and its role in the current government’s foreign policy calculations. Brexit is a given, with many accepting its irreversible fate. However, the bilateral relationship must continue, and this has been duly recognized in London.
When the Withdrawal Agreement was announced in January 2020 and the UK officially left the European Union, there was considerable relief. This was logical, as for almost three years the UK attempted to reach a deal to leave the EU on adequate terms. However, despite the symbolism and victorious light with which it was presented, the agreement said little on the future of the broader, institutional relationship between the two actors. With the Boris Johnson government immediately announcing a ‘global’ campaign to search for new economic opportunities (the “Global Britain” approach), relations with the EU lost out in terms of significance. Although the war in Ukraine brought the two actors closer together, with London leading Western support of Kyiv, the “bilateral” agenda remained superficial.
Upon arrival in Downing Street, however, the Starmer government immediately recognized the need to revitalize key alliances. Between May and July 2025, the UK held separate UK-EU, UK-France and UK-Germany summits. The outcomes of the summit with Brussels, held on 19 May 2025, signalled a commitment to restoring dialogue on issues that had, for some time, been sidelined, and introduced new frameworks such as the Security and Defence Partnership (SDP). Other agreements included an extension of the fisheries deal, allowing EU vessels to continue fishing in UK waters until 2038, and the commencement of dialogue on a joint youth experience scheme.
The summit, just like Brexit, divided opinion. Whilst some criticized a lack of detail and pointed to the tentative nature of some of the announcements, others welcomed it as a first step and a shift of tone, especially in comparison to previous post-Brexit engagements. This, however, can only hold true if the initiated conversations advance and result in meaningful change. This prospect, however, took a major hit after it was announced that the British defence industry will not be included in SAFE (“The Security Action for Europe”), a new EU program designed to mobilise swift financial assistance for member states and which entered into force in May 2025. The inability of the sides to agree on relevant terms serves as an important but sobering reminder – even if political will exists and the UK continues to partner the EU on issues as vital as the Ukraine war, it will be increasingly difficult to proceed ‘as before’.
This development, along with Starmer’s speech, is a useful reminder of some of the dilemmas facing the UK’s foreign policy outlook. Although attempts to renegotiate relationships with allies on one side of the Atlantic and to maintain progress with the United States on the other remain in motion, both endeavours are full of obstacles. Brexit fundamentally altered the UK’s position in Europe, which is why, as per the Prime Minister, accepting sometimes uncomfortable ‘trade offs’ will be inevitable if the end goal is a closer relationship with Brussels. This reaffirms the government’s view that deeper EU-UK ties hold the key to both stronger domestic economic performance and a reset to London’s global authority.
From a strategic point of view, the Labour government remains determined to continue with the implementation of its foreign policy vision: a commitment to an internationalist, ‘outward-looking’ and inherently ‘positive’ strategy which reconnects Britain to the world whilst recognizing the stark geopolitical realities which surround it.
Huseyn Sultanli
Advisor at the Center of Analysis of International Relations (AIR Center)